2S - Britain's entry into and relations with Europe
Learn why Britain joined the EEC, why membership remained contested, and how cooperation with the USA coexisted with European priorities and cautious engagement with the USSR and China.
Why entry became possible
Britain entered the European Economic Community on 1 January 1973 alongside Ireland and Denmark. Entry followed unsuccessful applications in the 1960s, when French President Charles de Gaulle had blocked British membership. His departure in 1969 removed an important obstacle. His successor, Georges Pompidou, was more willing to negotiate, while Heath made European entry a central objective of his government.
The economic argument concerned Britain’s access to a large and expanding market. Membership could reduce barriers to trade with continental Europe and encourage competition and investment. Commonwealth trade remained important, but could no longer by itself provide the economic and strategic position Britain had held as an imperial power. The European case therefore combined hopes of economic improvement with the political ambition to influence decisions from within.
Heath also regarded European cooperation as a positive political choice. Joining would let Britain participate in an organisation shaping its neighbours’ trade and policy, rather than repeatedly react from outside. Pompidou could see Britain as a useful addition to the European balance, not merely as an American representative within the Community. The removal of a veto and determined British leadership explain why entry became possible; changing trade patterns explain why ministers judged it desirable.
European Economic Community
The Community established by the Treaty of Rome in 1957 to build a common market and closer cooperation among its members. In the 1970s it was commonly called the Common Market; it was not yet the later European Union.
Entry did not itself guarantee prosperity. Firms needed to compete successfully, and Britain joined immediately before a period of international inflation and recession. Those conditions complicated attempts to judge membership solely from Britain’s short-term economic performance.
Membership, sovereignty and costs
The European Communities Act 1972 provided the legal basis for entry and for Community obligations to operate in British law. Membership therefore raised a constitutional question: decisions involving Britain would increasingly be made through Community institutions and agreed rules, rather than only through national legislation. Supporters regarded shared decisions as a way to gain influence; critics regarded the limits on national freedom as an unacceptable loss of sovereignty.
Economic gains and costs were uneven. Access to markets could help exporters, but industries also faced stronger competition. The Common Agricultural Policy supported European agriculture, and its prices and financing arrangements mattered to British consumers and taxpayers. Britain’s relatively small agricultural sector and extensive food imports created concern that it would contribute more than it received. Commonwealth producers worried about losing privileged access to British markets.
Political disagreement cut across party lines. Many Conservatives supported Heath, but some opposed the constitutional consequences. Labour’s left, including Tony Benn, challenged membership on grounds of democratic control and freedom to pursue socialist policies. Pro-European Labour figures such as Roy Jenkins believed that Britain’s interests and influence depended on remaining inside. The division was not adequately described as Conservatives for Europe and Labour against it.
The parliamentary account of entry identifies the legal and chronological change. To explain disagreement, however, a student must ask how competing groups valued sovereignty, access to trade and the distribution of costs. The same institution could appear to strengthen Britain internationally while restricting a future government domestically.
Renegotiation and referendum
Labour’s 1974 election promises offered renegotiation followed by a public decision on continued membership. This served two purposes. Wilson could seek improvements in the terms of entry, especially over budget costs and Commonwealth trade, while postponing a direct clash inside a divided party. Renegotiation produced changes that allowed ministers to recommend remaining; it did not redesign the EEC around every British preference.
In the referendum of 5 June 1975, approximately 67% voted to remain on a turnout of about 64%. Most senior political and business opinion favoured continued membership, and the pro-European campaign argued that leaving would create economic uncertainty. Wilson allowed ministers to campaign on opposing sides, temporarily relaxing normal collective responsibility. A public vote thus became a way to contain Cabinet disagreement while giving the result political authority.
The Commons Library account of renegotiation and the referendum records both the process and result. A large majority demonstrates public endorsement of continued membership in 1975. It does not establish permanent agreement on every future European policy, or show that all voters shared the same reason for voting Yes. Concerns about the budget, agriculture and national decision-making continued afterwards.
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