01 Section B Option 3, Key question 2 - Media effects, amplification and moral panics (part 2)
Media can help turn particular incidents into a wider story about a threatening group. This lesson explains how that story may produce a moral panic and how the reaction to deviance can sometimes increase it. You will use historical evidence and different accounts of audiences to judge when this explanation is convincing.
Constructing a social threat
A moral panic develops when a person, group or activity becomes the focus of heightened concern about a threat to society's values and order.
Deviance means behaviour defined as breaking social norms. It is broader than crime: an unfamiliar style of dress can be condemned without breaking the law. Media reporting does more than identify an action. Choosing a headline, photograph, spokesperson and explanation gives the audience a particular way of understanding it. A report can make an incident seem isolated, or present it as evidence of a much larger social problem.
Folk devil
A person or group represented as a recognisable source of social danger or moral wrongdoing, so that wider anxieties become attached to them.
The folk devil is the threatening figure in the story; the moral panic is the wider social reaction. A group can be stigmatised without a widespread panic developing. Conversely, concern can focus on a practice or condition rather than on one clearly identifiable group. Calling people folk devils describes how they are represented; it does not establish that every accusation against them is false.
Goode and Ben-Yehuda's 1994 account stresses the gap between the intensity of concern and the concrete harm supported by evidence. A panic may grow quickly and fade, while leaving lasting labels or controls. The crucial issue is disproportionality: whether claims and responses exceed what the evidence warrants. An intense response to serious, well-established harm is not automatically a moral panic. Goode and Ben-Yehuda, original article abstract.
Moral entrepreneurs are people or organisations that campaign to define conduct as unacceptable and secure action against it. They can include politicians, campaigners, editors or public officials. They may sincerely believe they are protecting others. Media provide publicity for these claims, and journalists can also make claims themselves. The process does not require every newspaper to agree or a secret plan to manufacture public fear.
Consider this original teaching example. Several people damage a bus shelter. A report accurately describes the damage and identifies the people responsible. Another presents everyone wearing the same distinctive jacket as a dangerous generation and demands restrictions on the whole group. The second moves from specific conduct to a generalised social threat. We would still need evidence about the scale of concern, the actual harm and the response before concluding that a moral panic had developed.
The amplification process
Deviance amplification is a process in which reactions to deviance help generate further deviance, while increased visibility and official identification may feed the process.
The explanation draws on labelling theory, which asks how other people's definitions and treatment affect those labelled deviant. It does not claim that media invent all initial wrongdoing. Its distinctive question is what happens after an incident attracts attention. A deviance amplification spiral is a feedback process: responses to one stage help produce material for the next stage.
One possible sequence is:
- An incident receives a threatening interpretation. Selected images and descriptions make a group seem dangerous. The group may become a folk devil.
- People become sensitised. Sensitisation means increased readiness to notice and interpret conduct as evidence of the threat. Previously overlooked behaviour may now prompt a complaint. Public figures demand a stronger response.
- Control becomes more intensive. Police, schools or other authorities may increase surveillance, exclusions or sanctions against the labelled group. This can raise recorded incidents because more conduct is detected or processed.
- Some members change their behaviour. Publicity may attract others seeking excitement or attention. Stigma and exclusion can also make a deviant group a more important source of identity and support. Confrontations with control agencies may create additional offences. These are possible responses, not reactions shared by every member.
- New events feed further reporting. More visible confrontation or more recorded offences appear to confirm the original threatening image. Further concern and control can follow.
Secondary deviance is further deviance shaped by the social reaction to earlier conduct, particularly when a deviant label becomes important to a person's identity or opportunities. This differs from simply doing the same act again for unrelated reasons. A self-fulfilling prophecy occurs when expectations encourage responses that help bring about the expected outcome. Predicting a confrontation may attract spectators and participants, increasing the chance of confrontation; the prediction need not be the sole cause.
Working through the links
In this original scenario, a news site repeatedly shows a short clip of a confrontation at a skate park. Local campaigners describe all its users as troublemakers. A council closes their usual meeting place. Some users then gather at a prohibited location and resist being moved on. Reports of the new confrontation are used to justify the initial image.
The closure matters in the explanation: it changes where people can gather and creates a situation in which their behaviour may breach rules. The argument is therefore more developed than “the media made them deviant”. It connects representation to demands for control, control to changed opportunities or interactions, and those changes to further reportable conduct. It also leaves room for users who find another activity or challenge the coverage peacefully.
Keep behavioural change separate from recording change. More police patrols may discover more of the same amount of offending. That would support an explanation of increased official visibility, but would not by itself show that more offending occurred. Evidence of new behaviour is needed for the stronger claim that the reaction caused additional deviance.
Trace the intervening reactions. A threatening message, a fearful audience, stronger control and additional offending are different claims, each requiring evidence.
A spiral can stop if audiences reject the account, authorities use proportionate responses, or the labelled group gains support and other opportunities. Prevention may reduce harm. The model explains a possible unintended consequence of control, not a rule that all control increases deviance.
Mods and Rockers evidence
Stanley Cohen's study of Mods and Rockers connects media representation with the reactions of audiences and control agencies.
Mods and Rockers were recognisable youth styles associated with different music, clothing and transport. Cohen's Folk Devils and Moral Panics, first published in 1972, examined reactions to seaside disturbances beginning at Clacton at Easter 1964. He identified three reporting processes: exaggeration and distortion of the scale or seriousness; prediction of further trouble; and symbolisation, in which labels and visible styles became signs of deviance. The issue was how particular incidents came to signify a wider threatening group. Cohen, scanned third edition, printed pp18–19 and 26–27.
Cohen combined analysis of media material with observation, interviews and documentary evidence. The preserved collection includes field notes, questionnaires, correspondence and press cuttings. Comparing reports with observations and participants' accounts gives a stronger basis for examining representation than reading dramatic headlines alone. These materials are documented by the archive responsible for preserving and teaching with the collection. UK Data Service, collection and methods account.
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