3.2.2 - Female ordination in the Church of England
The Church of England began ordaining women as priests in 1994, but that decision did not end the theological dispute. Arguments from scripture, tradition, representation and vocation shaped both the 1994 settlement and the later admission of women as bishops. Tracing that history leads to the continuing questions of provision for opponents and whether institutional inclusion amounts to full agreement or equality.
Ordination and the three orders of ministry
Female ordination means admitting women to ordained ministry. In the Church of England, ordained ministry is normally discussed through three orders: deacon, priest or presbyter, and bishop.
Ordination
Ordination is the public and authorised setting apart of a person for ordained Christian ministry, normally through prayer and the laying on of hands by a bishop.
The AQA wording names 1994 because that was the year the first women were ordained priests in the Church of England. Women had already become deacons in the Church of England in 1987, but priesthood was the decisive disputed step because priests preside at the Eucharist, pronounce absolution and blessing, preach, teach, and exercise pastoral leadership.
The later debate about women bishops belongs here because the Church of England understands deacon, priest and bishop as connected holy orders. Strictly, bishops are consecrated to the episcopate, but the argument about whether women may hold priestly authority naturally continued into whether women may exercise episcopal authority over priests, parishes and dioceses.
The lesson therefore asks two linked questions:
| Question | Why it matters |
|---|---|
| Should women be ordained as priests in the Church of England? | This was the central pre-1994 debate. |
| How should the Church live after deciding to ordain women? | This is the continuing debate after 1994, especially over bishops, conscience, equality and unity. |
1994 was not the moment when the debate disappeared; it was the moment when the Church of England's official practice changed.
Before 1994 Debate
Before 1994, the debate was not simply "women are capable" against "women are incapable". Serious Christian arguments on both sides were arguments about authority: how scripture, tradition, church order, reason, experience and social change should be weighed.
Arguments against ordaining women often appealed to 1 Timothy 2:8-15, where women are restricted from teaching or exercising authority over men. Some Christians read this as an apostolic rule for church order. Others linked it to a wider view of male headship, where men and women are equal before God but have different roles in church and family life.
Opponents also appealed to tradition and catholicity. Jesus chose male apostles; the historic episcopate and priesthood had normally been male; Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox churches did not ordain women priests. From this angle, the question was not only "could a woman do the work well?" but "does the Church of England have authority to change a pattern received from the wider historic Church?"
Arguments for ordaining women usually replied that scripture should be interpreted through the whole Christian message. Supporters pointed to women's discipleship, women's witness to the resurrection, the gifts of the Spirit, and baptismal equality in Christ. Galatians 3:28 was often used to argue that Christian identity cannot be finally organised around male privilege.
Supporters also argued from vocation and justice. If God calls women to priestly ministry, and if women already teach, lead and serve faithfully, then excluding them because of sex may be a failure to recognise God's gifts. The growth of women's public roles outside the Church made this exclusion harder for many Anglicans to defend.
| Issue | Against ordination of women | For ordination of women |
|---|---|---|
| Scripture | Texts such as 1 Timothy 2 restrict women's teaching authority. | Restrictive texts can be read as local or culturally shaped; wider scripture shows women as witnesses, disciples and ministers. |
| Tradition | A male priesthood is the historic pattern of the wider Church. | Tradition can develop when the Church recognises neglected truth and vocation. |
| Priesthood | A priest represents Christ in a way some believe requires maleness. | A priest represents Christ's humanity and pastoral ministry, not merely his male sex. |
| Church unity | Change risks division with traditional Anglicans and other churches. | Refusing change can also damage unity by excluding women and their supporters. |
The pre-1994 debate was a debate about how the Church recognises authority, not just a debate about whether women can lead.
The 1994 Turning Point
The path to 1994 was institutional as well as theological. The Church of England is governed through synods, bishops, clergy, laity and Parliament, so a change to priestly ordination needed formal approval, not only a shift in opinion.
| Date | Development | Why it matters for AO1 |
|---|---|---|
| 1979 | The Movement for the Ordination of Women began campaigning in England. | It shows organised Anglican pressure for change before the final vote. |
| 1987 | The first women were ordained as deacons in the Church of England. | Women entered ordained ministry, but not yet the priesthood. |
| 11 November 1992 | General Synod voted to allow women to become priests, requiring majorities in the Houses of Bishops, Clergy and Laity. | The decision was synodical, not simply imposed by one leader. |
| 5 November 1993 | The Priests (Ordination of Women) Measure received Royal Assent. | The change became legally possible within the Church of England's established-church structure. |
| 12 March 1994 | The first 32 women were ordained priests at Bristol Cathedral. | This is the key date in the specification wording. |
The first ordinations did not mean that every parish or priest accepted the decision. The Church had to manage conscience, pastoral care and possible departures. The 1993 Act of Synod created provision for those unable to receive women's priestly ministry, including alternative episcopal oversight, often described as "flying bishops".
This matters because 1994 has two meanings. For supporters, it was a long-delayed recognition of women's vocation to the priesthood. For opponents, it was a profound rupture in received church order. For the Church as an institution, it forced a settlement: women could be priests, but some provision would remain for those who could not accept this.
After 1994 And Women Bishops
After 1994, the question changed from "may women be priests?" to "how far is women's ordained ministry fully received?" This is why women bishops became central. If a bishop ordains priests and oversees a diocese, then accepting women priests but rejecting women bishops leaves women inside priesthood but outside the Church's highest order of ministry.
In 2012, proposed legislation for women bishops failed because it did not gain the required two-thirds majority in all three Houses of General Synod. That failure showed that the post-1994 debate still had force. It was not merely theoretical: it affected the Church's public credibility, internal trust and sense of justice.
In July 2014, General Synod approved new legislation enabling women to become bishops. The 2014 Bishops and Priests Measure opened the episcopate to women and removed gender distinctions in the canons relating to bishops, priests and deacons. Libby Lane became the first woman bishop in the Church of England in 2015.
The 2014 settlement included the House of Bishops' Declaration and the Five Guiding Principles. These principles try to hold together two commitments:
Continue this lesson.
You’re previewing NovaLearn without an account. Create a free account to read the rest.
Create free account